Dr. Mustafa ÖZTOP*
For many years, Türkiye was viewed as an actor that struggled to shape the regional order but was able to thwart the schemes devised against it. In recent years, however, Türkiye has begun to be described not merely as a spoiler but also as an actor capable of shifting the balance of power in the region. Türkiye’s foreign policy during the Syrian civil war, the internal conflicts in Libya, the liberation of Karabakh and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been a key factor in shaping this picture. Of course, Türkiye’s unique approach to this foreign policy has also led to the emergence of a policy that sets it apart from other actors. This situation has, in turn, led to increased global interest in Turkish foreign policy.
Türkiye’s Five-Trivet World Policy
States’ foreign policies are shaped within the framework of their social, political, historical, geographical and military potential. The international system, which includes other states, imposes certain constraints on this shaping process, and as a result, foreign policy emerges. In other words, foreign policy arises, in a sense, from the interaction between a state’s internal characteristics and the external international system. Just as ideological currents and approaches in the world occasionally influence states’ foreign policies, so too do religious and philosophical approaches influence foreign policy approaches. In this sense, Türkiye’s foreign policy has been shaped by the interaction of its internal characteristics—encompassing social, political, historical, geographical and military capacities—with the international system, as well as by the ideological, religious and philosophical approaches faced by both society and the state, which in turn define its boundaries.
If we are to define Türkiye’s World Politics Strategy by setting out priorities and establishing a specific framework, Türkiye is a state influenced by two fundamental identities in historical and geographical terms. These two fundamental identities are the Turkish and Islamic identities. Türkiye has extended these two identities to a wider geographical area through the Ottoman Empire’s experiences in Europe and Africa throughout history. The reflection of the Turkish and Islamic identities in Europe has manifested itself in the Balkans. Consequently, the Balkans and Africa—regions where there has been intense interaction with these two fundamental identities—must also be included. In this way, Turkish foreign policy will find the opportunity to further expand its sphere of influence.
Beyond this geographical area, Türkiye has established and maintained warm and positive relations with certain states in distant parts of the world—even if they are geographically remote—based on shared experiences such as the origins of these nations and the regions where Islam has spread and where the Turkic world has interacted. The rapprochement in relations following Türkiye’s deployment of troops to Korea can be cited as one such example. Japan’s interest in the Organisation of Turkic States should not be overlooked in this regard. Furthermore, Spain’s historical ties with the region of Al-Andalus, alongside the developing relations in recent years with Ukraine, Ethiopia and Venezuela, highlight these states as nations with which Türkiye has generally maintained good relations, both historically and in the present day. The final link, which could be extended to include Muslim countries in Asia and, more broadly, actors with whom Türkiye is not categorically in a negative relationship or in competition, is significant in terms of examining Türkiye’s Strategy of World Politic within the broadest possible framework.
Within this theoretical framework and in the context of practical applications, if Türkiye’s five-trivet world policy is shaped through a framework comprising the Turkic-Islamic world, the Balkans, Africa and states across the world that maintain good relations with Türkiye and pose a very low risk of competition, Turkish foreign policy will be able to maximise its influence globally and extend it across the widest possible geographical area.
Future Perspective
For Türkiye to become an effective actor in world politics in the coming period, it must increase its engagement across different regions and attain the status of a central country in its relations with these regions. Becoming a powerful actor—one of the key determinants of the international system—may be achievable for Türkiye through this political strategy. Türkiye is not only challenging the current international system’s structure, which is centred on competition and reliant solely on hard power, but is also acting in accordance with an approach centred on soft power and diplomacy, focused on peace and stability, and driven by the ideal of bringing prosperity and tranquillity to the world.
In this respect, Israel—which is currently dragging the Middle East and the world into a climate of crisis and war—is both a major obstacle to Türkiye’s regional and global policy and a grave threat to peace and stability in the region and the world. Israel’s objectives in the region and globally affect Türkiye either directly or indirectly. For this reason, taking a stand against Israel is not a choice but a necessity for Türkiye. Türkiye’s approach to world politics envisages a fairer system for the whole world. Consequently, it is likely that states capable of taking a stand against Israeli aggression will have a stronger presence in the world of the future. It is also essential for Türkiye to develop its relations with these countries from the perspective of world politics. In this context, Türkiye must also strengthen its relations with actors that are capable of taking a stand against Israel and are prominent in their own regions. Countries capable of taking a stand against Israel include, at first glance, Spain, Ireland, South Africa, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil, Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia.
On the other hand, Poland is poised to become a leading country in Europe’s future. This is because Poland stands out as an actor that has stepped beyond the boundaries within which the EU has confined itself. Following the Brexit process, it has been part of the UKPOUK (United Kingdom–Poland–Ukraine) alliance and has maintained close relations with the UK. Similarly, regarding the EU’s approach to Türkiye, it emphasises the importance of relations with Türkiye and, during the recent period when Trump has been at odds with many European leaders, has been able to advance relations with the US on a positive footing.
Throughout history, Türkiye has sought to maintain good relations with Iran. However, as areas of competition in the two countries’ regional policies have emerged and intensified, Türkiye wishes to continue maintaining good relations with Iran but cannot build a future with it. The future vision Türkiye seeks to construct has always been perceived as a threat by Iran, and Iran has been unable to set aside this perception of threat to act in concert with Türkiye or the Ottoman Empire. In short, as Iran will not wish to be part of Türkiye’s vision for the future, friendly relations with Iran should continue; however, one should not harbour further expectations regarding the deepening of relations with Iran. In other words, Türkiye will continue cooperation with Iran at the state level, but the two countries have not been able to share a common vision for the world’s future within the framework of alliances, and it is unlikely that they will do so in the future. These are the reasons that set Iran—which is at war with Israel—apart from the theoretical framework outlined above.
Furthermore, for Türkiye to pursue an effective and powerful global policy, it is not sufficient for it to become the focus of Western media. The West and the wider world must begin to follow, analyse and interpret Turkish media and Türkiye’s perspective. In this regard, within the framework of the priorities outlined above, Türkiye must be able to analyse and assess the entire world simultaneously and to a similar extent, and shape its policies accordingly. Türkiye must project its own perspective onto the world and attain a capacity whereby the world naturally follows Turkish media and Türkiye. Otherwise, Türkiye risks losing the international gains it has achieved in recent years.
Within this framework, the Association for International Politics and Social Research was established with the aim of contributing to this perspective by producing projects and content that can contribute to Türkiye’s role in world politics, its foreign policy and its international relations. Within this scope, dedicated and interested academics, students, writers, researchers and journalists who wish to contribute can support this objective through the production of knowledge, projects and works.
This article was first published on 16 June 2026 on the website of the International Association for Political and Social Research (USTAD).
https://ustader.org/2026/06/26/turkiyenin-dunya-siyaseti-stratejisi/#_ftnref1
* Expert on the Middle East and International Relations.
